Terrorism - Some Historical Considerations - Part Two
"From
approximately the early 1980s until about 1986," he began, "the Libyan leader,
whom nearly everyone likes to write off as a crazy, vicious supporter of international
terrorism, had, according to Amnesty International, been responsible for the deaths of
fourteen individuals, most of whom were Libyan dissidents. Yet, in the same period of time
- 1980 to 1986, according, again, to Amnesty International, the government of El Salvador
murdered nearly fifty thousand of its people, while the authorities in near-by Guatemala
exterminated about seventy thousand of its citizens.
"The
difference between, on the one hand, Libya and, on the other hand, Guatemala and El
Salvador is simple. Guatemala and El Salvador are now, and have been for many years,
client states of the United States, while Libya is the naughty, delinquent, petulant child
that not only refuses to take direction from, and serve, US interests in Africa and the
Middle East, but often actively seeks to undermine, or oppose, US strategic efforts in the
region.
"The
armies and police forces in Guatemala and El Salvador are trained, equipped and supported
by both the US military and intelligence communities. Libya is not.
"Consequently,
the US is prepared to look the other way while one hundred and twenty thousand Latin
Americans are massacred. However, the same United States becomes morally outraged with the
slaying of fourteen people by the Libyan government, referring to it as exhibit number one
with respect to states that are sponsors of world-wide terrorism.
"All
murder is repugnant, whether one is talking about one person, fourteen people or one
hundred and twenty thousand people. Nonetheless, these acts do not give expression to the
same degree of evil.
"The
United States and its client states have far, far more blood on their hands than Libya
does. Yet, Libya is considered to be one of the world's worst terrorist states, and the
United States is all innocence and goodness, at least as far as Americans are concerned,
because of the manipulation of public opinion which is being effected by organizations
like the Bettinger Foundation.
"In the
mid-1980s, Israeli bombers were sent to Tunis to bomb PLO headquarters there. More than
fifty Palestinians and some twenty Tunisians died as a result of the attack.
"Interestingly,
the United States had requested the Tunisian government - supposedly one of our allies -
to allow the PLO to set up its headquarters in Tunis after that organization had been
expelled from Lebanon by the Israeli invasion. Even more interestingly, the United States
did not warn Tunisia about the impending Israeli attack despite the fact that the US Sixth
Fleet, which was in the Mediterranean Sea at the time, had been tracking the movements of
the Israeli bombers during the latter's flight to Tunis, including the refueling of these
planes.
"The
strike was said to be in retaliation for the murder of three Israelis in Larnaca, Cyprus.
However, the Israelis knew, and later admitted, that the evidence surrounding the Cyprus
killings pointed in the direction of Syria, not Tunis.
"In
April of 1986, US planes bombed the cities of Tripoli and Benghazi in Libya, killing about
one hundred people. The raid was said to be in retaliation for the December, 1985 attacks
at airports in both Vienna and Rome, as well as for the bombing of the La Belle
discotheque in West Berlin on April 5th, 1986, in which several US soldiers were killed.
"The
only problem with this is that Libya had nothing to do with either the airport attacks or
the nightclub bombing. The evidence all suggested a Syrian connection.
"The US
military and intelligence community knew this. Unfortunately, for the one hundred Libyans
who died, the United States had another agenda for which the truth was an inconvenience.
"The
attack on Libya, like the Israeli bombing of Tunis, was a terrorist attack in violation of
all international law. Yet, in America, most people were of the opinion that not only was
the United States acting responsibly, prudently and in defense of democratic freedoms, but
that Libya got what it so richly deserved.
"Many
Americans have these opinions because organizations like the Bettinger Foundation are
incessant in their efforts to make sure the American public is fed a steady diet of such
misinformation and disinformation. Once we have become accustomed to this diet, then we
tend to find that if the occasional tidbit of truth finds its way onto our plates, we
consider the experience to be quite distasteful and often are inclined to spit out this
morsel of truth immediately."
A whistling
sound from the kitchen indicated that the water for the tea was ready. Ken responded to
the signal and went into the kitchen.
A few
moments later he entered the living room with a tray filled with a pot, two cups, several
spoons, some napkins, containers of sugar and milk, as well as a plate containing an
assortment of cookies. Ken placed the tray on the 'coffee' table between our chairs.
As we each
went about fixing our respective cups of tea, Ken said: "Let's consider another
example. For instance, take the case of the second Gulf war involving Iraq.
"Many,
perhaps most, Americans cheered the alleged role of the US in defending Kuwait against a
belligerent, invading aggressor. This role conforms to the myth, that organizations such
as the Bettinger Foundation have created, in which the United States stands like a lonely
beacon of freedom against the invasive forces of darkness.
"In
reality, Desert Storm is merely a continuation of a self-serving policy that is often
dressed up, for purposes of propaganda, in the guise of a courageous defender of freedom
and democracy. In truth, whether the United States will permit an invasion, or will act
against it, depends entirely on circumstances and the implications which those
circumstances have for its various political, military and business interests.
"Issues
of democracy, rights, freedoms and so on are purely for public consumption. The real
motivations are always about power, control, possession, exploitation, money, resources
and influence.
"The
United States did not interfere when Iraq invaded Iran in the first Gulf war because
certain people of prominence feared the spread of an Iranian version of Islamic
fundamentalism might undermine their control of the area and its resources. Similarly, the
United States has permitted Turkey to deal brutally with the Kurdish people because Turkey
serves US interests in a variety of ways and because the nationalist aspirations of some
twenty million Kurds in Turkey, Iran, Iraq and Syria constitute a potential threat to US
aspirations in the area.
"America
not only permitted Israel to invade Lebanon, but gave logistical support to the latter
because Israel was serving the United States' need for a countervailing presence in the
Middle East with respect to left-leaning Arab nationalism, Palestinian unrest, and,
Islamic fundamentalism. Furthermore, Syria's invasion of Lebanon was allowed to go
unchecked by America as long as the attack was directed against Palestinians who were
considered to be a destabilizing element as far as US interests in the Middle East were
concerned.
"The
United States did not object to Indonesia's invasion of East Timor and the slaughter of
some two hundred thousand civilians in order to permit Indonesia, among other things, to
gain access to the latter's substantial oil deposits. America backed Morocco's invasion of
the resource-rich Western Sahara for similar reasons, although with far less loss of life
to the inhabitants of that region.
"In
each of these cases, US interests were being served. Indonesia and Morocco were both being
armed and supported by America because these countries would permit the United States a
share in, and some degree of control over, the resources, once the latter had been
secured.
"America
looked the other way during the '70s and '80s when apartheid-oriented South Africa,
directly or through surrogate forces such as the terrorist groups UNITA in Angola and
RENAMO in Mozambique, attacked a variety of neighboring states holding political views to
which the United States was opposed. At the same time, and much less passively, America
financed, armed and gave logistical support to the Contras as they conducted numerous
operations against various civilian targets in Nicaragua, ranging from peasant farmers to
religious workers to health care professionals to students to union organizers and
community workers."
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